We all know that the United States has placed certain trade
restrictions on Sudan. Yet gum arabic is exempted, and it is
the number one export of Sudan. Coca-Cola and the other major
soft drink conglomerates need gum arabic. So what do we do? We
proudly proclaim that we've got sanctions on Sudan, but we
exempt gum arabic. -- Rep. Cynthia McKinney
No one should do business with thugs. But if they control a
product we can't seem to live without, the market will find a
way to get it to our shelves and newsstands. -- Rep. Bob
Menendez, whose district has two major gum arabic processing
plants
President Bush's national security adviser said on Sunday it
was ``an outrage'' the United States was ejected from the U.N.
Human Rights Committee while Sudan remained a member. -- Rice
Calls U.N. Rights Panel Loss 'An Outrage', Reuters, 06 May
2001
A very precise outrage abounds in official Washington. Angry
politicians stalk the halls of Congress, muttering darkly
about the United Nations. The cause of so much official scorn?
The US has been voted off the UN's Human Rights Commission
(HRC) for the first time since 1947. But it's not clear what
Bush, Condoleeza Rice, and the Congress are angriest about --
the US being voted off the Commission, or Sudan having been
voted on it.
``The sad thing is not for the United States,'' Condoleezza
Rice told the ``Fox News Sunday'' program. ``The sad thing is
that the country that has been the beacon for those fleeing
tyranny for 200 years is not on this commission, and Sudan is
on this commission. It's very bad for those people who are
suffering under tyranny around the world, and it is an
outrage.'' (Reuters)
In other words, the ``sad thing is not for the United
States,'' it's for the United States. What Rice asks us to
believe is that the US's removal from the UN HRC isn't
problematic for the cause of human rights in the US (which is
true, though not in the sense she means), but that it, plus
the presence of Sudan, is problematic for ``those people who
are suffering under tyranny around the world'' -- a curious
set of claims that we must submit to criticism.
Rice's ``beacon'' metaphor is an interesting one. Powerful
lights can hurt or help. They are examples of what the Greek
philosopher Plato would have called a pharmakon,
something that can equally be a poison or a cure, depending on
how it's used and by whom. When a big, powerful light is used
to illuminate a dangerous night path or to reveal the bogeyman
lurking in the shadows, it's a help, a cure, a ``beacon''. But
when it's used to illuminate a perimeter within which the
desperate and the weak are held hostage to the powerful, as in
every concentration camp and gulag ever constructed, it's a
harm and a poison. For far too many of the desperate people of
the world, the US has been a gulag's klieg light, shining on
those trying to escape, lighting the way of their captors to
retake them; certainly it's not been a helpful ``beacon'' for
Haitian boat refugees or Chinese prison laborers or Central
American trade unionists or Turkish Kurds or the East Timorese
or the Kosovars or ... -- the list is long.
Not only does Rice unwittingly betray the fundamental
hypocrisy of American talk about human rights abroad (to say
nothing of the desperate hypocrisy of the US hectoring others
about human rights while regularly executing children and
retarded people -- practices that the rest of the world finds
rightfully abhorrent), she also exemplifies the other
fundamental mood of America's participation in international
affairs: a petulant refusal to be judged by the standards with
which it judges others.
Rice implies that our removal won't count against human rights
domestically because, well, this is America, the ``beacon'' of
human rights around the world, and we don't have human rights
violations of our own. In truth, our removal won't count
against human rights here because, as is historically clear,
the UN's influence in the US is so insignificant as to be
indistinguishable from, say, none at all. The US has as
little concern for the UN as it has for human rights in Sudan.
Whether or not its citizens realize it, the US is, among the
world's industrialized democracies, the place where the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights is least well-known or practiced or enshrined in
law. And we're also a place where concern for human rights
abroad takes a very definitive backseat to commerce, trade,
and, as Condoleeza Rice's favorite hand puppet, President
Bush, likes to say, "our strategic interests".
And it isn't just Condoleeza Rice who's ability to sort rank
ideology from the truth is suspiciously malfunctioning. The
corporate media can always be relied upon to give aid and
comfort to its governmental buddies, as when the Reuters
reporter says that
The United States, whether through inadequate
lobbying or because of unpopular global
policies, last week failed to win a seat on the
commission for the first time since it helped found the human
rights body in 1947.(Reuters)
Such convenient circumspection rankles and exhibits a degree
of sycophancy about which surmising the most offensive party
-- the one who gives it or the one who receives -- is
difficult. Why must the US -- recall: ``the country that has
been the beacon for those fleeing tyranny for 200 years'' --
why must we lobby to stay on the HRC at all?
Is there some dire cabal, comprised of Austria, Finland, and
Sweden, that conspires against the US?
The truth lies in the other direction. The US consistently
pursues policies around the world which flaunt even the most
basic concern for human rights. To name only the most obvious
recent examples, one must mention Clinton's illegal, immoral
bombing of Sudan's sole medicines factory; the despicably
grimy US position on pharmaceuticals and AIDS -- which Mark
Gevisser has called, in South Africa, the ``new apartheid'';
our unilateral determination to initiate and then escalate an
unconventional arms race with ballistic missile defense; our
contemptuous and stupid and irrational scuttling of the Kyoto
global warming treaty; our rank, apparently safe for all time,
as the leading exporter of military hardware around the world;
our 25 year obstruction of any implementation of world
consensus on the Palestinian question, and so on. It's a
fantastical understatement to say only that the US pursues
unpopular policies.
U.S. officials said the United States had received more than
40 assurances of support, enough to win a seat on the
commission, but only 29 of those countries came through.
It lost out to three members of the European Union --
Austria, France and Sweden -- while Sudan and Libya, two
governments widely accused of human rights abuses on the U.S.
list of sponsors of ``terrorism,'' won seats in regional
groups. (Reuters)
We were lobbying and still got the boot. Those other countries
-- probably the ones that aren't ``beacons'' of human rights
-- abandoned us; might it be possible for good reason? And it
seems that Sudan is filling a regional slot, which we couldn't
have filled in any event. Whether we were removed from the HRC
fairly or not has nothing to do whatever with Sudan or Libya.
The constant references to Sudan are meant to direct our
attention away from where it properly belongs, namely, on
what the US does and what it fails to do in the world -- and
why.
But Rice rejected criticism from lawmakers on Capitol Hill who
blamed the embarrassing defeat on the White House.
`It's very sad that people, particularly on the Hill, would
decide to blame America for this,'' she said. ``Obviously, the
United States has been too strong on the human rights
agenda.'' (Reuters)
Not to be outdone by the media's frenzied, gymnastical sucking
up, Rice rushes to ice the cake before letting it cool. While
the rest of the world seems to labor under the mass, shared
delusion that the US is, when not actively violating them, a
regular hindrance to human rights, Rice assures us that it's
obvious that the blameless US ``has been too
strong on the human rights agenda''. That may be obvious to
Rice, but it isn't obvious to me. It's far more obvious that
the US has too strongly obstructed the realization of
a human rights agenda.
``I suspect that this was a backlash of those who don't like
being judged, that perhaps the United States has been a little
too active on the human rights commission. We were very active
in this most recent round, and maybe it will be easier now for
human rights abusers to escape scrutiny.''(Reuters)
As for the unwillingness of others to be judged by the US, one
can either side with Rice or with the rest of the world (with
the exception, perhaps, of our junior partner, the UK). The
historical record is clear. As Madeleine Albright said, the US
acts multilaterally when it can, but unilaterally when it
must; which, on issues of human rights, is often.
Whether or not Sudan belongs on the UN's HRC -- and its
inability to end its very old slave trade, in which coastal
Arabic Sudanese enslave inland Christian and animist Sudanese
(and others), suggests that it does not -- the United States
clearly does not. As a privileged American citizen,
my first responsibility is to draw moral conclusions about
my country, not about Sudan, which is better left to
the UN -- which may not be as tough on Sudan as guilty
American politicians may demand but is vastly and consistently
more engaged in Sudan and in Africa -- and its African
neighbors.
So I say, with regard to the US and the UN's HRC, goodbye and
good riddance.
Update: House Votes to Withhold UN Dues
In a Republican-led snit, the House voted today, 10 May, to
withhold $244,000,000 in UN dues until the US is restored to
the HRC. What's the lesson here? If you have enough money and
enough guns, you can afford to subvert democratic processes by
blackmailing the UN until you get your way. Which only raises
the question: what were the House Republicans pouting about
when Ted Turner, a private citizen, paid nearly $35,000,000 of
the nearly $1,000,000,000 the US owed the UN in dues?