The government itself, which is only the mode which the people
have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be
abused and perverted before the people can act through it. --
Henry David Thoreau, Civil Disobedience
There are three facts we should keep in mind these last few
days before the election.
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It's highly likely that a majority of the eligible voters
will not vote.
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Many polls show that the percentage of undecided likely
voters is greater than the percentage of Nader voters, even
in key states.
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Given the way the polls have shifted over the past two
months, a good chunk of Bush's current support is "soft" at
least in the sense that those folks would consider
voting for Gore.
From this we can tentatively conclude that it's not clear that
Nader's a spoiler. It's complicated. For example, it's
very difficult to figure out how many folks are turned off of
Gore by Nader's rhetoric and, as a result, will vote
for Bush. But now if we follow the anti-spoiler rhetoric, we
dare not critique Gore at all.
Furthermore, we can tenatively (and tendentiously) conclude
that the massive assault on Nader by those I have called
the Loyal Liberals, even if it were to succeed in driving
Nader from the race, may end up severely damaging the
progressive causes we all ostensibly cherish, and yet be
insufficent to ensure a Gore win. Causation in politics is as
tricky as causation in the stock market. It's very easy to
come up with scapegoats, but a lot harder for most people to
take responsibility.
(Remember there's more at stake than the White House. The
Democrats have a fairly good chance of taking back the House
which would make an enormous difference. Arguably,
Nader voters are more likely to vote for Democrats in
Congressional races, especially if enticed. Gore, on the other
hand, has been keeping Clinton from campaigning not just for
himself but for Congressional seats. Seems like Gore may be a
spoiler there.)
I raise these facts and conclusions to emphasize that Nader
vs. Gore is not, and should not be, an easy
decision for progressives. I have read thoughtful articles
detailing how Gore would be better than Bush, and, more
persuasively, how Bush would be dreadfully harmful. I've
written about my multiple layers of loathing for Bush which
point up not just my principled desired to see him go down in
flames, but also my deeply personal desire to see him crushed.
I strongly empathize with those who feel they must cast an effective vote
against Bush, which makes me hope all the more that Gore
wins if only so that they will not have wasted their
vote.
But why do I hesitate? Why do I write in articles in support
of Nader? Why do I seriously consider donating more money to
Nader's campaign?
Witness the present [Iraqi] war, the work of comparatively a
few individuals using the standing government as their tool;
for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to
this measure.
While I think Thoreau strongly underestimated the power of
racism, jingoism, and sheer apathy in the people, his point is
well taken (even if shifted from the Mexican war to the siege
of Iraq). For me it keeps coming back to Iraq, Kosovo,
Colombia, East Timor, and Rwanda. I can't see how Bush could
be worse. Ok, maybe I can -- after all, grotesque evil usually
can be multiplied easily. But that doesn't mitigate the evil
already done by Clinton/Gore and intended by Gore/Lieberman.
If my hands are supposed to be dirtied by Bush's
actions if I vote for Nader, what about the Iraqi blood Gore
spills?
To some degree, in certain circumstances, action, inaction,
and the side effects of one's action or inaction are morally
equivalent. At least, this is a crucial presupposition of the
"A vote for Nader is a vote for Bush." line. But only on
certain moral views does the fact that my vote can't make
Nader win mean that I am responsible for Bush's
(if he wins) actions. If I throw in my active support
for Gore, I seem not only to permit his actions, but to
embrace and endorse them.
How does it become a man to behave toward this American
government to-day? I answer, that he cannot without disgrace
be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize the
political organization as my government which is the
slave's government also.
One out
of seven African-American men are disenfranchised,
primarily as a result of the war on drugs. That is, 1.4
million Black men are legally barred from voting. With
the use
of prison labor on the rise, it's notable that nearly 50%
of the prison population is black. This is just one part of
the woe the War on Drugs has brought us. It's a disaster for
millions at home and abroad. It's been used to narrow
everyone's civil and political rights, but its most
harmful aspects are clearly targeted against Blacks and other
domestic minorities, not to mention Colombians. Neither
Clinton nor Gore have shown the slightest inclination to even
mitigate the War. Instead, it's been their avowed
policy to escalate it -- indeed, I'm chilled thinking back to
Clinton's promise to put 100,000 police officers on the
streets and what it has come to mean.
Is it possible to vote against the War on Drugs? If
I vote for Gore or Bush, I vote directly for the War on Drugs.
At least with a vote for Nader I register opposition to
this monstrosity. Perhaps this particular act of opposition is
feeble, but it is all I have to offer in these circumstances.
But Paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to
which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people
as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may.
If I have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must
restore it to him though I drown myself. This, according to
Paley, would be inconvenient. But he that would save his life,
in such a case, would lose it. This people must cease to hold
slaves, and to make war on Mexico, though it cost them their
existence as a people.
Does the rule of expediency apply in this election? And, even
more difficult to answer, does it apply to those who would
suffer the most or the soonest under Bush? After all, this
isn't just an election year, but a year which saw the rise of
a fairly active protest movement. There is more at
stake than the presidency and what the next president will do.
It's an open question whether tactical electorial calculation
merely at the command of an evil (even if "lesser") is
compatible with active work for social justice. Remember that
it was the grassroots activist movement, acting on many
fronts, not JFK, that brought about the end of Jim Crow.
I hear of a convention to be held at Baltimore, or elsewhere,
for the selection of a candidate for the Presidency, made up
chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession;
but I think, what is it to any independent, intelligent, and
respectable man what decision they may come to? Shall we not
have the advantage of this wisdom and honesty, nevertheless?
Can we not count upon some independent votes? Are there not
many individuals in the country who do not attend conventions?
But no: I find that the respectable man, so called, has
immediately drifted from his position, and despairs of his
country, when his country has more reasons to despair of him.
He forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus selected as the
only available one, thus proving that he is himself available
for any purposes of the demagogue.
Can a vote for the lesser evil be an independent vote?
It does seem clear that, in some sense, it could be a morally
motivated vote. If all options lead to evil, one should strive
to minimize that evil. But what happens when one option is to
aim for a positive good? Is failure to achieve
that good the same as choosing the greater evil? If it were my
vote, and my vote alone, that would determine the defeat of
Bush (but not the success of Nader), then the proper action
would be clear. Of us all, Nader is the only one even
close to being in that position. Some have argued that
since Nader could prevent Bush from winning by
withdrawing (though this is not certain at all) he obviously
should make the right decision. If he doesn't,
well, the argument goes, then he doesn't deserve the
progressive vote.
But, if Nader does yield to the Loyal Liberal power
structure, it's hard to see how he could count as an
independent voice. And, arguably, we need an effective,
independent voice, indeed, we need many of them. We perhaps
need that more than we need a president somewhat if less evil
than Bush. The anti-Nader campaign has as a side effect --
and as an explicit consequence! -- the continued
consolidation of power and narrowing of the permissible bounds
of debate. It enshrines the "men in Baltimore"; we can choose
anyone we like so long as it's one of the choices they
permit us. Given their track record, our future choices are
likely to be between even greater evils.
It is not a man's duty, as a matter of course, to devote
himself to the eradication of any, even to most enormous,
wrong; he may still properly have other concerns to engage
him; but it is his duty, at least, to wash his hands of it,
and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it
practically his support. If I devote myself to other pursuits
and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not
pursue them sitting upon another man's shoulders. I must get
off him first, that he may pursue his contemplations too.
Here Thoreau and I part ways (well, in other places too). I
think it is our duty to oppose evil, certainly when we easily
can, and often even when it takes all that we can do. But
there has to be a path between good intentions and cynicism
where some failures to avoid every evil aren't used to
demonize and demoralize. Must we scourge voters for their
disobedience to the status quo or, for that matter,
their attempts to minimize evil? There is a great difference
between someone who votes for Gore for the sake of defeating
Bush and those who castigate Nader for daring to finish his
run.
I think that if I were to vote for Gore, I must do so sadly,
with the strong intention of fighting his subsequent and
certain evil. If I vote for Nader, I must also feel pain if
Bush wins. But I think the danger of Nader voters being
complacent at a Bush win is much less than the danger that
Gore voters won't stand up to him. When we act, we have the
dual duty to nuture our own spirit and to do right by others.
If we act from servile obedience, we almost surely will fail
in one duty and thus weaken our will to do the other.