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The question:
What do you say to the argument that the countries who
borrowed from the WB/IMF have no right to ask for debt
forgiveness (nor should anyone ask on their behalf) and should
be held responsible for their debts like you or anyone else
would? And to what extent is the first world responsible for
the debt crisis?
Chomsky responds:
The simplest answer to the argument that countries who
borrowed from the WB/IMF have no right to ask for debt
forgiveness is that the presupposition is false, so the
argument is vacuous. E.g., the "country" of Indonesia didn't
borrow; it's US-backed rulers did. The debt, which is huge, is
held by about 200 people (probably less), the dictator's
family and their cronies. So those people have no right to ask
for debt forgiveness -- and in fact, don't have to. Their
wealth (much of it in Western banks) probably suffices to
cover the debt, and more.
Of course, this response assumes the capitalist principle.
According to this principle, if I borrow money from you, use
it to by a Mercedes and a mansion, and send most of the money
to a bank in Zurich, and then you come and ask me to repay the
loan, I'm not supposed to be able to say: "Sorry, I don't want
to pay you back, take it from the folks in the downtown
slums."
And you're not supposed to say: "I got the high yields from
this risky investment, but now that the borrower doesn't want
to pay it back, the risk should be transferred to other folks
in my country through socialization of the debt. That's the
capitalist principle. It would suffice to largely eliminate
the debt. Of course, that principle is unacceptable to the
rich and powerful, who prefer the operative "capitalist"
principle of socializing risk and cost. So the risk is shifted
to northern taxpayers (via the IMF) and the costs are
transferred to poor peasants in Indonesia, who never borrowed
the money.
The argument that "their country" borrowed the money so that
they are responsible surpasses cynicism, and need not be
considered. In fact, it doesn't even stand up under
international law. When the US conquered Cuba in 1898 to
prevent it from liberating itself from Spain (what is called
"the liberation of Cuba from Spanish rule"), it cancelled
Cuba's debt to Spain on the reasonable grounds that the debt
had been forced on the people of Cuba without their consent.
That doctrine, called "odious debt," was later upheld in
international arbitrarion, with US initiative. The current US
executive-director at the IMF, international economist Karen
Lissakers, pointed out in a book a few years ago that if this
principle were applied to third world debt, it would mostly
disappear. But that would mean that the capitalist principle
would have to be observed: borrowers have the responsibility,
lenders take the risk. And that plainly won't do, when the
concentration of power makes it possible to socialize cost and
risk.
On first-world responsibility for the debt crisis, it is huge
-- and in this case, the responsibility extends to citizens,
insofar as their countries make possible some degree of
participation in policy formation, and they do. The current
debt crisis can be traced back to policies of the IMF and
World Bank encouraging lending/borrowing to recycle
petrodollars in the 1970s. Their very confident
recommendations that this was just great for all concerned
continued up to the moment of the Mexican default in 1982,
when the system threatened to crash, and the same institutions
stepped in to socialize cost and debt. Another factor was the
sharp rise in interest rates in the US under the
late-Carter/Reaganite policies of a form of "structural
adjustment" here, undertaken with no concern, of course, for
the fact that this would impose a crushing burden on third
world debtors, as it did. Another factor, of course, is
Western support for the murderers, gangsters, and robbers who
borrowed the money for themselves and, naturally, don't want
to pay it back, when they can get the burden shifted to the
poor by the same institutions that created the debt in the
first place.
First world responsibility is enormous, so much so that if
honesty were conceivable, those who supported folks like
Suharto in Indonesia, drove the lending-borrowing craze (then
bailing out the banks), and sharply increased interest rates
as part of the further shift of power to the rich and
privileged in the US (and that's not all), should be paying
the debt themselves.
The culpability of third world governments -- say, Suharto in
Indonesia -- is enormous, but remember that these governments
are western clients, outposts virtually, whose task is to open
their countries to foreign plunder, repress the population (by
huge massacres if necessary), and enrich themselves if they
feel like it (that's not a responsibility, just an incidental
benefit accorded them). Suharto was "our kind of guy," as the
Clinton administration put it, as long as he fulfilled this
role. Much the same hold for other third world governments.
Those that try to follow another course typically get smashed.
E.g., Nicaragua has one of the highest debts in the world. The
Sandinistas were doubtless corrupt, though not by preferred US
standards, but that's not the reason for the debt: rather, the
fact that the US waged a brutal and murderous war to get them
back into line.
Note again that culpability of our governments (and their
institutions, like the IMF-WB) are also our culpability, to
the extent that we have the capacity to influence policy, and
don't.
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